In the Name of God, the Most Merciful, the Most Compassionate

Afghanistan Voice

Editorial:

Do We Hear the Message?

Policy Statement of the United National and Islamic Front for theSalvation of Afghanistan

The recent months, February especially, have been the most promising, and yet the most confusing months for the Afghans. A milestone political initiative by the Northern Alliance was the most promising document that hit the internet billboards. However, amidst the confusion of flip-flop U.S. policy toward Afghanistan and the confused state of media coverage, this important Policy Statement of the United National and Islamic Front for the Salvation of Afghanistan has not yet received the attention it deserves.

Consider the facts. U.S. officials have been going out of their way in their condemnation of the Taliban's harboring of the terrorist, Osama Bin Laden with the flurry of activities including direct threats and even, at times, offering of the carrot of recognition. Additionally, some officials have indicated that the U.S. does not take the Taliban claim of "Bin Laden is missing" with "a ton of salt", and yet despite all the claims of no plans to recognize the Taliban Movement, the administration makes all kinds of contradictory statements about its intentions regarding the Taliban.

While it blasts the Taliban, on the one hand, for their human rights violations and their not extraditing Osama Bin Ladin, the administration in the same breath declares the Taliban "falling out" with Bin Laden, and shows elation when a shoot out (most probably staged) between the Taliban and Osama's men is reported. Mr. Lakhdar Brahimi, the UN envoy to Afghanistan shows optimism and reports of Taliban being ready for peace with the opposition. What a charade! Haven't we gone through this path before? Surely, Mr. Hakim Mujahid of the Taliban quickly mimics the lines apparently dictated to him for today's consumption, "Bin Laden is no good for Afghanistan." Another Taliban representative makes a presentation in California and to the question, "Where is Bin Laden?" gives the cute answer " God knows where he is" and the audience is amused. While this game is going on, Islamabad, busy mending fences with Iran, the U.S., and the world, gives the Taliban another facelift. And in the process, the struggle in Afghanistan to find a solid way to democratic future is totally ignored.

It can be discerned that if the Taliban movement has not won recognition by now, it is not because of the largesse of the U.S. and the U.N. or their concern for the plight of Afghan men, women, and children under the yoke of the Taliban, but because of the movement's own coarseness and stupidity. The conventional argument would seem to go like this: If the Taliban would make symbolic gestures toward relaxing their inhumane practices, renouncing their support of international terrorists, accommodating some form (any form) of broad-based government, thus minimizing the international outrage against them, then the U.S. could do business with them.

Meanwhile, the Taliban's mockery of the U.S. by their offering, from time to time, a mix of promises and excuses in areas of terrorism, drugs, and human rights, to ply for their cherished recognition is not only excused but welcomed.

Never mind that the Afghan people under the Taliban are continuing to live under a brutal dictatorship that is many times worse than what might have been under the communist invaders.

This hell on earth is to be endured because nobody is giving any credence to whatever comes from the Ahmad Shah Masood camp, even if it is something close to Jeffersonian democracy for the Afghans. Why is this so?

Apparently, there are many reasons. Some have been detailed by Abdul Samir in "The Mujahideen Vs. The Unhappy Media" and "Misleading Indicators: The Wall Street Journal and the Taliban," Omaid Weekly (Numbers 355, 356). Some of the reasons revolve around the question of credibility which some Afghans raise saying that Masood had his chance before. Where was his democratic vision then? In short a lot of people see a discrepancy between words and deeds. What everybody ignores, however, is the Pakistan factor and all the roadblocks that Pakistan has been constructing, including Hekmatyar at the beginning, against a democratic system that might have taken roots in Afghanistan.

Unfortunately, the U.S. is ambivalent when it comes to Pakistan's destructive policies regarding Afghanistan.

Surely, the U.S. occasionally points out some of the excesses of Pakistan, her traditional ill-will toward Afghanistan (which should have been forgotten after the close cooperation between the two countries during the years of the Jihad), and even acknowledges, albeit with some nonchalance, the dark shadow of "Talibanism" in the whole region. But the sad fact is that the U.S. herself was involved in the creation of many of the extremists among the Afghan Jihadi groups as well as indirectly those among the Taliban. This seems to be one reason among others why the U.S. does not or cannot exert the necessary, clear cut moral influence in shaping and assisting the democratic processes in Afghanistan. Only, First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton has not minced words when addressing the appalling conditions under the Taliban, especially for Afghan women. The refrain has quite consistently been echoed by prominent women personalities in America as well as, increasingly, Congressman Dana Rohrabacher, but these do not spell out policy or enforce it.

Although, on a quick inspection, the Policy Statement of the United National and Islamic Front for the Salvation of Afghanistan appears to be closer than anything democratic that the Afghans have ever known, and it deserves a full debate, it has so far received no serious attention.

In this dark hour, there is the need that the U. S. and the international community should get serious about the blight of Taliban and Talibanism.

A serious approach to this problem requires support, amendment, and help of the right kind to bring to fruition the Opposition Alliance democratic initiative, an initiative that may, perhaps, offer the only chance for the Afghans to regain their national sovereignty and shape their political destiny. But we know what the chances of that ever happening are.

What is to be done, then? The Afghans have no other means at their disposal but to bring the issues out in the open and hope to God that policy makers and media opinion shapers, who have the means, are genuinely concerned with democratic ideals of doing away with fanaticism, dogmatism, and despotic rule. It is about time to acknowledge that the selfish concern with one's own immediate environment and not doing enough for desperate conditions prevailing elsewhere have been prevailing for too long. And we are discovering as in areas of terrorism and drugs, our precious quality of life is not immune to the far away blights. Do we hear the message?

In the name of God

Leadership Council Policy Statement

United National and Islamic Front for the Salvation of Afghanistan

Translation by Dr. S. Fayez and Omar Samad

The Leadership Council of the United National and Islamic Front for the Salvation of Afghanistan (UNIFSA) renews its commitment to be at the service of the Afghan people during this dark and tragic period when the Muslim people of Afghanistan are confronted with aggression from the reactionary and dark-minded forces of the Taliban, and when the Pakistani military has effectively occupied parts of our country. While refraining from anyfactional extremism and proclivity, sectarianism and other short-sighted objectives, the UNIFSA has decided to organize and coordinate the resistance efforts of the Afghan people in political and military arenas against foreign aggression and its internal agents, unify the ranks of the resistance and realize the will of the Afghan nation in forming a government, respect the right to self-determination on the basis of our conviction in the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of our country.

As our people and the world are aware, the Taliban claim to bring security and comfort to Afghanistan. But in reality, with their un-Islamic approach, they are insulting the people of Afghanistan. By committing inhumane activities that are anathema to Islamic tenets and the national culture of the people of Afghanistan, they have demonstrated how, with foreign guidance, they want to destroy the national unity and historical bonds of brotherhood that exist among the various ethnic groups of Afghanistan. Massacres and torture of innocent civilians, forced exile of thousands of families from their ancestral homes, the violations of human rights, and animosity toward the arts, sciences and civilization as a whole, are some of the Taliban deeds that go against the principles of Islam and the interests of our nation. Contrary to Islamic teachings, the Taliban have insulted and oppressed the women of our country - who represent more than half of the population - under a regime the likes of which our country's history has never seen.

It is regrettable that as a result of the Taliban and their Arab and Pakistani allies' reign of terror, parts of our country have been transformed into nests for international terrorists . . . the world is a witness to the fact that even during our glorious Jihad against the occupying Soviet army, the Afghans never resorted to terrorism or the insult of women . . . In addition to terrorism, the Taliban have tarnished the Afghans' clean reputation by allowing the cultivation and trafficking of narcotics in the areas under their control.

It is clear to all that Afghanistan's dilemma does not have a military solution.

However, the Taliban continue to refuse all peaceful attempts at resolving the crisis, and under orders from the Pakistani military, they are set on capturing the rest of the country by force. Subsequently, the resistance by the United Front for the liberation of occupied territories will not cease until the Taliban agree to a cease-fire and resume talks. As the true face of the Taliban is being unmasked, popular uprisings are taking shape throughout the territories under their control.

Every week we receive numerous messages of support and solidarity from religious scholars, tribal elders and the intelligentsia from Taliban-occupied territories, including the province of Kandahar (the Taliban political and leadership stronghold). The Leadership Council wants to assure the Afghan nation that it will not give up the struggle until the complete liberation of the country, restoration of a just and lasting peace, and the establishment of a government based on the will of the Afghan people.

In order to prevent repeating the sad experiences of the past, we will adopt special measures for maintaining security in areas liberated from the Taliban and the Pakistanis. Along with the consultation of local residents, a police and security force will be formed to maintain law and order, and elected local councils will undertake the administrative affairs of the areas.

The Leadership Council believes that the application of democratic principles in the light of Islamic teachings is a means of realizing the will of the Afghan people. This means the participation of the people in determining the destiny of the country. Here, the role of Afghan women, who make up more than half the population, must be emphasized. According to Islamic ordinances, women have the right to study and learn, work and, like their brethren, play a fundamental role in building a sound and civilized society for the future of our country.

While we firmly believe in resistance for the liberation of Afghanistan from the brutal control of the Taliban and foreigners, we understand that there is no military solution to the problem. Therefore, we consider talks and negotiations useful for the purpose of creating a just and durable peace, and we appreciate the United Nations' efforts, Security Council resolutions, General Assembly recommendations and those of the Organization of Islamic Conference.

The Leadership Council believes that the means for convening the Loya Jirga (Grand National Assembly) of the people, inclusive of representatives of all ethnic and social groups, be found and implemented as soon as possible, and for a broad-based government to be formed, so as to pave the way for the drafting and implementation of a constitution and the holding of general elections.

It is with great regret that as a result of foreign aggression, Afghanistan has not only remained behind in the path of progress and development, but has also sustained enormous physical and spiritual damage for the past two decades. The task of rebuilding and development requires an enormous amount of work and energy, which can only be accomplished with the participation of all conscientious elements, particularly Afghan intellectuals and experts living inside the country, in neighboring states and in other parts of the world.

The education system must be reactivated throughout the country. The national army, dismantled as a result of foreign conspiracies, must be rebuilt. Reconstruction must start in every field as soon as possible.

It is imperative to delegate such responsibilities to the skilled and expert cadres.

The Muslim and Mujahid nation of Afghanistan need and deserve a system of government which is inspired by the great teachings of Islam and based on participatory democracy dealing with all vital issues of national interest. The establishment and separation of the powers among the three branches of government, freedom of the press, equality, individual rights and liberty, respect for human dignity and the protection of private property - are among issues necessary for the reconstruction of a proud and honorable Afghanistan.

We are ready to cooperate with governments and international organizations in the campaign against terrorism, the killing of innocent people, and the cultivation and trafficking of narcotics. We seriously demand that Arab and Pakistani terrorists, with Osama Ben Laden at the helm, leave Afghanistan and put a stop to building nests for terrorist networks that kill human beings.

The Leadership Council of the UNIFSA believes in cordial bilateral relations with all countries of the world, in particular with our neighbors and Islamic countries. We respect the UN charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international treaties to which Afghanistan is a party.

With God's Help.

Russia's Strategic Gambit

By: James N. Kellogg

The strategic importance of the Afghan Jihad has not been properly understood by most observers. The Afghan nation rightfully and pridefully regarded the jihad as their finest expression of faith and devotion to Islam. The Afghan understood that the Soviet communist invasion represented a fundamental threat to their religion, national, and cultural values. The outcome of Afghan jihad also threatened the wellbeing of every citizen on earth.

Throughout history, the land mass comprising the Afghan nation has been the preferred invasion route for countless conquerors. Alexander the Great, Genghis Khan, TamerLane, the Arab Caliphs, all used The Meshad-Herat gap to invade Asia from the Middle East. The Meshad-Herat gap is the only practical land route connection between Asia and the Middle East. The Soviet communists coveted Afghanistan because its subjugation would allow the Soviet Union military options to pursue its long-sought objective of an Indian Ocean port. An Indian Ocean port would allow Soviet naval forces to dominate the Middle East and the Indian Sub-continent. The Soviet communists could directly attack Baluchistan (Southern Pakistan) or more likely support a "war of national liberation" among the Baluchi to gain their independence from Pakistan. The British Empire expanded into the Middle East and India during the 18th and 19th centuries because it dominated the Indian Ocean. The Afghan jihad represented the last impediment to Soviet expansion into South Central Asia.

Consider for a moment the strategic advantages the Soviet communists would enjoy with an Indian Ocean port. The communists would have an arctic to Indian Ocean and an Atlantic to Pacific Ocean cross on the Eur-Asian landmass.

Communist China would become an Asian island surrounded from the north and west by the Soviet Union. For the last four decades, it has been Communist China's policy to energetically improve its relations with Central Asia, particularly Pakistan. In the sixties, the Chinese expended considerable resources to build an all weather road from Kasgar to Islamabad to facilitate its access to Central Asia. Possession of an Indian Ocean port by the Soviet Union would sever China's lines of communication with the region. China would be strategically disadvantaged in its competition with the Soviet Union and would be compelled to consider military action to protect its vital interests.

Soviet communist access to an Indian Ocean port would allow them to influence politically or militarily the allocation of oil out of the Middle East. The majority of the oil which is the driving force behind the highly successful industrial economies of Western Europe and Japan comes from the Persian Gulf. Would Western Europe and Japan risk their economies if the Soviet Union were to deny them free access to oil? I would argue the more likely course of action for Western Europe and Japan would be to reconsider their strategic alliance with the United States. Over time, a realignment of Western Europe and Japan with the Soviet Union would render the United States strategically incapable of being a countervailing force against Soviet communism.

The alternative course of action available to the United States would be direct military intervention against communist occupation of South Central Asia (Baluchistan). The United States would have a limited military capacity to resist the Soviet Union. The industrial base of the United States is 12 thousand miles removed from Central Asia connected by sea or air. The Soviet Union's industrial base is 3 thousand miles away from Central Asia connected by land. These logistical limitations mean that for every soldier the United States could support in Central Asia, the Soviet communists could sustain four soldiers. Strategically, the United States would be outmanned and outgunned in its battle with the Soviet Union. The prospect of a strategic defeat would compel the United States to consider a nuclear escalation. A potential strategic alliance between the United States and China would only serve to lower the Soviet Union's threshold of use of nuclear weapons. The use of nuclear weapons by either side would obviously place the future survival of mankind at risk. This strategic assessment of the Soviet Union's intentions beyond the Afghan invasion compelled me to assist the Mujahiddeen in Jihad.

As a veteran of the Vietnam War, I witnessed first hand the devastating effect Guerilla warfare can have on a conventional army. I recognized that the Afghan people would pay a horrific price in Jihad, but I was convinced the Afghan Mujahiddeen would prevail. Given my strategic understanding of Soviet intentions by their Afghan invasion, I knew the Afghan Jihad must succeed.

I prefer not to elaborate in this discussion my specific contributions to the Afghan Jihad. I do believe my contributions did have a positive impact on the Afghans' ability to conduct Jihad. My only regret is that my available resources did not allow me to do all that I could have for the Afghan people for the success of Jihad because its failure would have compelled events which would cause man's destruction.

Earlier, I have argued in Afghanistan Voice that the only legitimate objective of the Afghan Jihad is a real peace consistent with Islam. During Jihad, I found fault in the Afghan leadership's failure to articulate to the people a vision of a peace which would justify the people's sacrifice in this battle. I am greatly saddened by the political and economic situation as it exists today in Afghanistan. The selfless sacrifices made by the Afghan people during Jihad on behalf of mankind should be rewarded with a just peace. I remain optimistic that a peace consistent with Islam can still be achieved. Remember that a national consensus to fight Jihad was achieved by individual choices of free men inspired by faith in God. A real Afghan peace can only be achieved by the Afghan people collectively deciding the nation's future.

Previously, I have articulated a process which if the nation found a consensus to pursue will result in an acceptable peace worthy of the Afghan people. All concerned Afghans should focus on the process rather than the individuals who should control the instruments of power. The choice of individual leaders is a divisive issue given the fragmented nature of Afghanistan. The peace process is an inclusive and deliberative activity compelling consensus for action among the people.

If the process which I have previously outlined is unacceptable, then I urge all concerned Afghans to devise a better process to peace. Once an acceptable process to peace is decided upon, then communicate these ideas to all Afghan citizens for their consideration. The advantages and disadvantages of this process can be argued among the people. If the Afghan can achieve a broad national consensus to implement a peace process, then no existing governing authority can resist the collective will of the nation. Remember, the ultimate right of any government to govern rests with the consent of the governed. The sooner the Afghan people are consulted then the sooner the people will Achieve a peace consistent with Islam.

I will close this discussion with the same prayer it began with.

The Afghan people have fought Jihad. The Afghan people have suffered Jihad. With God as my witness, grant us the wisdom and courage to find a peace with freedom for all of the Afghan people.

Amen.

Pakistan Violates International Law in Afghanistan

Abdul Rahman Payman

Pakistan has resorted to various kinds of pressures of all degrees of severity to induce compliance with their wishes involving destructive and subversive efforts to put a selective government, the Taliban, in Kabul, so that Afghanistan would be subject to follow Pakistan's orders and commands. Among other mechanisms, they use military leverage to threaten our peace and security.

The Charter of the United Nations, in its restrictions on the arbitrary use of force, clearly condemns intervention as a measure of self-help. Article 2, paragraph 4, provides that "all members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state…" It is also provided, in article 4 of the Draft Declaration of the UN International Law Commission that "every state has the duty to refrain from fomenting civil strife in the territory of another state, and to prevent the organization within its territory of activities calculated to foment such civil strife."

Contrary to international law, as described above, Pakistan has violated the rules and laws of neutrality in Afghanistan. A state is neutral when it does not participate in a war which is in progress in another state, and treats the belligerents impartially. It is probably not obvious to Pakistan that the "right" of a state to exist independently imposes on other states the correlative duty of nonintervention, both in the internal and external affairs, of that state.

Pakistan's government must pay close attention to its political, humanitarian and legal responsibilities in Afghanistan. There is an undoubted legal obligation, reiterated in the Charter of the United Nations, to abstain from intervention and to respect the territorial integrity and political independence of all other states. Furthermore, there is an equally important legal obligation, enshrined in the same Charter, for UN members to seek the realization of principles of respect for human rights and self-determination of peoples. But Pakistan, as we can see, fails to meet its obligation, as a member of the UN and humanity, and continues to violate all international laws and norms in its dubious activities against Afghanistan.

A poem by Shabgir Pulladian

Translated by Sherief Fayez

Over the Ash Tower

ANNOUNCING A NEW BOOK

Gross, Nasrine Abou-Bakre, Editor and Compiler, Qassarikh-e Malalay ya

Dokhtaran-e Afghanistan, Falls Church, VA: Kabultec, June 1998

Malalay High School was the first girls high school in Afghanistan and the cradle of education for thousands of Afghan girls in Kabul. The most prestigious and highly successful, Malalay was closed in

1996 when girls education became forbidden in the country.

"Qassarikh-e Malalay" or "Memories of the First Girls High School in Afghanistan" is a collection of autobiographical sketches of over one hundred of these girls as well as the teachers and administrators, of their school and their times, in the Dari-Persian language. From the first graduate to the last girl, each memory tells a complete story of the person from the day she was born to today, in her own words. These women tell you who they were, how they came to attend the school, what they learned, what they did in Afghanistan, how they left their country, where they are now and many other tales.

Riveting, revealing and raw, Qassarikh-e Malalay is a must for the serious student of modern Afghanistan. It is also a treasure trove of information for any scholar of social change as it is the first time anywhere that modernization is told from the mouth of the modernized themselves. For any Afghan, man or woman, who dreams of walking in the streets of Kabul or smelling the aroma of Kababis or rekindling our cherished past, you will be treated to a real feast of memory and emotion, with all your senses! You will rediscover your identity!

If you can fight back the tears and forget for a moment the tragedy that is Afghanistan, you will see in the Qassarikh-e Malalay who the women of Afghanistan really are, these beings so magnificent they cannot be seen or heard by mere mortals; vital objects of great games; emissaries of peace and progress; or wretched of the earth the world would rather forget? Findout for yourself! Make no mistake, the pictures alone speak volumes; the book provides answers germane to our times and uniquely Afghan.

"Qassarikh-e Malalay", with soft cover, has 500 pages of 7.5"x9.5" and over 170 photographs, along with lists of subjects, teachers, employees and students across time. The price is US$30.00 for individuals and US$40.00 for institutions. Shipping and handling is $6.00 inside the United States; $18.00 for outside (there are European distributors as well). Please make your check or money order payable to, and order from:

Kabultec-Amdam

P. O. BOX 2079
Falls Church, VA 22042
United States of America
Tel: 703-536-6471
Fax: 703-536-6951
email: kabultec@erols.com

Proceeds go for education and the girls of Malalay still living in Afghanistan.

In addition, the compiler is preparing the second volume. She is respectfully requesting all former students, teachers and employees including cleaning crews, gardners and gatekeepers or their families, and/or if readers know of such persons, to please contact her.